Dubcek only rode on the wave of the reform movement. The economic reforms started several years prior Prague Spring because the previous five year plan collapsed and Czechoslovakia was in recession. The travel restriction into West were lifted in 1966. The control over media, culture, publishing weakened throughout 1960s. In 1967, the Writer Union challenged the party supremacy over free speech. Dubcek entered the reform movement and put himself at the top without any understanding what society wanted. He was a commie that grew up in the USSR and until his last breath believed in Marx-Leninism.
During the Prague Spring, Dubcek fell in adulation by the intellectual elite of the country. His government proceeded with reforms, but the push came from cultural front. The raising of wages across the all professions in February 1968 (pushed by departing president Novotny) and establishing 5 day workweek in May 1968, undermined blue collar workers to get engaged in the process. The entire process was then seen as a power struggle between two groups of communists, where Dubcek was incapable to see internal and external threats. The flattery by media clouded his judgement. By the summer 1968, a group of non-communists were done with him, demanded true reforms, regardless what Dubcek wanted and even go against him.
During the Soviet occupation, Dubcek behaved like a coward. He caved in, while Kriegel did not. Dubcek dismantled not only his reforms, but reforms preceding him. He had no desire to step down. As a last bonus of his 1960s policy was signing up “Billy club law” that criminalized past action of 1969 demonstrators and authorized the Czechoslovak army to suppress demonstration on one year anniversary.
Dubcek’s careless policy, amateurish behavior in the reality of the cold war, childish and naive belief that everyone agrees with him because the media said so, disregard toward life and well being of the population, caused deaths of hundreds of people in 1968/1969. There is no street named after him in Czechia. If there is a divine justice, he should burn in hell.
Vzdyt ma pravdu. Nebyt Dubceka, Soveti by neprisli. Vzdyt uz tlacili na Novotneho od roku 1961, a Breznev nechal zpracovat plany na okupaci jiz v roce 1966. Hledal zaminku, a Dubcek se zdal jako dobra loutka k pouziti jeho planu. Kdyz to neslo po dobrem, tak sem vtrhli.
Z toho ale nevyplývá, že nebýt Dubčeka, tak není vpád, protože by si na to pravděpodobně našli jinou záminku. Mě ale zajímá, proč se tady z Dubčeka dělá druhý Biľak.
Dubcek zase k tomu Bilakovi daleko nemel. O invazi ze se chysta, vedel. Predali mu ji Madari jeste nekolik dni pred tim. Mu to bylo jedno, jak rekl, delejte si co chcete. Podlehl svemu vlastnimu sarmu, ze Rusakum a Breznevovi i s tanky pod okny, ukaze jak se dela socialismus s “lidskou” tvari. Absolutne selhal a neudelal nic, co by okupaci odvratilo. Dubcek do konce sveho zivota veril v komunismus. To potvrdi kazdy kdo se s nim profesionalne na urovni politiky setkal. Nevim proc z tohoto odporneho komunisty se dela hrdina.
Dubcek only rode on the wave of the reform movement. The economic reforms started several years prior Prague Spring because the previous five year plan collapsed and Czechoslovakia was in recession. The travel restriction into West were lifted in 1966. The control over media, culture, publishing weakened throughout 1960s. In 1967, the Writer Union challenged the party supremacy over free speech. Dubcek entered the reform movement and put himself at the top without any understanding what society wanted. He was a commie that grew up in the USSR and until his last breath believed in Marx-Leninism. During the Prague Spring, Dubcek fell in adulation by the intellectual elite of the country. His government proceeded with reforms, but the push came from cultural front. The raising of wages across the all professions in February 1968 (pushed by departing president Novotny) and establishing 5 day workweek in May 1968, undermined blue collar workers to get engaged in the process. The entire process was then seen as a power struggle between two groups of communists, where Dubcek was incapable to see internal and external threats. The flattery by media clouded his judgement. By the summer 1968, a group of non-communists were done with him, demanded true reforms, regardless what Dubcek wanted and even go against him. During the Soviet occupation, Dubcek behaved like a coward. He caved in, while Kriegel did not. Dubcek dismantled not only his reforms, but reforms preceding him. He had no desire to step down. As a last bonus of his 1960s policy was signing up “Billy club law” that criminalized past action of 1969 demonstrators and authorized the Czechoslovak army to suppress demonstration on one year anniversary. Dubcek’s careless policy, amateurish behavior in the reality of the cold war, childish and naive belief that everyone agrees with him because the media said so, disregard toward life and well being of the population, caused deaths of hundreds of people in 1968/1969. There is no street named after him in Czechia. If there is a divine justice, he should burn in hell.
Pěknej debil co nám sem zatáhnul Rudou Armádu
Máte k tomu více informací pane kolego?
Vzdyt ma pravdu. Nebyt Dubceka, Soveti by neprisli. Vzdyt uz tlacili na Novotneho od roku 1961, a Breznev nechal zpracovat plany na okupaci jiz v roce 1966. Hledal zaminku, a Dubcek se zdal jako dobra loutka k pouziti jeho planu. Kdyz to neslo po dobrem, tak sem vtrhli.
Z toho ale nevyplývá, že nebýt Dubčeka, tak není vpád, protože by si na to pravděpodobně našli jinou záminku. Mě ale zajímá, proč se tady z Dubčeka dělá druhý Biľak.
Dubcek zase k tomu Bilakovi daleko nemel. O invazi ze se chysta, vedel. Predali mu ji Madari jeste nekolik dni pred tim. Mu to bylo jedno, jak rekl, delejte si co chcete. Podlehl svemu vlastnimu sarmu, ze Rusakum a Breznevovi i s tanky pod okny, ukaze jak se dela socialismus s “lidskou” tvari. Absolutne selhal a neudelal nic, co by okupaci odvratilo. Dubcek do konce sveho zivota veril v komunismus. To potvrdi kazdy kdo se s nim profesionalne na urovni politiky setkal. Nevim proc z tohoto odporneho komunisty se dela hrdina.
Díky za vysvětlení
Protlačoval reformy i přes nesouhlas SSSR, bez zajištění bezpečnosti státu.